Working with Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon (1980 - 2012): A Mapping of NGO Services

[International Labour Organization logo. Image from ilo.org] [International Labour Organization logo. Image from ilo.org]

Working with Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon (1980 - 2012): A Mapping of NGO Services

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following report was issued by the International Labour Organization on 27 November 2012.] 

Working with Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon (1980 - 2012): A Mapping of NGO Services

Introduction

Various institutional sources estimate that the number of women migrant domestic workers (WMDWs) in Lebanon is between150,000 and 220,000 in an overall workforce of 1.45 million. In addition to cooking and cleaning, these women perform a variety of care-related functions; WMDWs look after the children and nurse the elderly and the disabled. Given their exclusion from labour protections and their willingness to work longer hours in return for meager wages, WMDWs constitute an easy and low cost solution to the Lebanese care deficit. Moreover, WMDWs contribute to the employability of  Lebanese women, releasing the latter from their traditional function of  primary caregivers in the household.

In spite of  their vital contribution to the Lebanese care economy and to the employment and financial empowerment of  Lebanese women, WMDWs continue to suffer countless incidents of  physical, sexual, and psychological abuse at the hands of  their employers and the private employment agencies that recruit them. Civil society organizations like Caritas Lebanon Migrant Center (CLMC) and the Pastoral Committee for Afro-Asian Migrants (PCAAM) played a precursory role in pointing to these abuses since the 1990s and helped connect thousands of  WMDWs with their embassies and with pro-bono lawyers.

In November 2005, the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the Ministry of  Labour (MoL), the Office of  the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), UNIFEM (now UN Women), and CLMC convened a workshop on the situation of WMDWs in Lebanon. In January 2006, the government of  Lebanon established a National Steering Committee (NSC) on WMDWs to follow up on the workshop’s recommendations. 

The workshop and NSC sessions sparked the interest of  non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the problem of  MDWs. NGOs established programs or joined existing assistance networks in response to the, now visible, needs of  WMDWs. The adoption of  the International Labour Organization Convention No. 189 concerning Decent Work for Domestic Workers in June of  last year further mobilized donors, and consequently NGO action, around the issue of  domestic work. 

Albeit well-meaning, the mushrooming of  MDW advocacy networks was, on occasion, disadvantageous to the organizations initiating assistance programs to MDWs, to the community of  MDWs, and to the credibility of  the “movement” for MDWs rights. The pace at which these organizations flourished led to a number of  adhoc and low-impact interventions. For instance, NGOs were not always aware of  other actors working in the field and proceeded to duplicate initiatives. Also, NGOs initiated programs well beyond their mandates which led them to operate at less than optimal capacity. 

In the context of  the EU and SDC-funded Action Programme for Promoting the Rights of  Women Migrant Domestic Workers (PROWD), the ILO’s Regional Office for Arab States (ILO-ROAS) conducted a mapping of  NGO services to MDWs in Lebanon. This mapping aims to develop an understanding of  how the NGO dynamics in the MDW subfield have progressed since the deliberations of  the NSC, and to share a summary of  these developments with relevant stakeholders.

More specifically, the report traces the history of  NGO involvement with MDWs since the early 1980s to explore the patterns underlying NGO interventions and partnerships. Further to this analytical component, the report includes a directory of the services currently available to MDWs across Lebanon. This guide is searchable by service type and by the geographical location of  the service. Finally, the appendices provide the contact information for these organizations, and a full listing of  the publications produced by the latter and by other institutions and individuals.

We expect the findings of  this report to guide NGOs in establishing efficient referral systems for MDWs, new entrants in carving out their niche in the MDW subfield, and donors in supporting initiatives for the promotion of  decent working and living conditions for MDWs.

[Click here to download the full report.]

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412